"In this special issue of CLRNews we have tried to document the construction involved for different Olympic Games, the social and employment issues and problems raised and the longer-lasting effects."
Published in July 2011 by the European Institute for Construction Labour Research.
|Olympic site workers.pdf||733.8 KB|
Submitted by Martin Slavin on Sat, 25/02/2012 - 16:26.
The Spectacular Construction of an Olympic Metropolis
University of Quebec, Montreal
ABSTRACT: This article presents a critical review of Beijing’s Olympic redevelopment, and of the social, economic, and political impacts of hosting mega events as a means of urban image construction. Through an analysis of Olympic projects, city marketing initiatives, and their impact on the city’s material and cultural landscape, this article postulates that Beijing’s spatial restructuring and image construction program played an important role in exacerbating the profound inequalities that have come to epitomize China’s transition to capitalism within an autocratic political system. Acting as a developmental engine legitimating large-scale urban transformations, the Olympics have helped concentrate economic and political power in the hands of a coalition of government leaders and private investors and allowed their interests to dominate the planning agenda. Beijing’s spectacular Olympic preparations have in many ways acted as a propaganda tool and an instrument of pacification to divert popular attention from the shortcomings of China’s rapid economic transformation, accompanied by rampant land speculation, corruption, and uneven development.
Submitted by Charles Batsworth on Mon, 12/12/2011 - 00:26.
Department for Culture, Media and Sport
London 2012 Olympic and Paralympic Games Impacts and Legacy Evaluation Framework Final Report, 2009
Submitted by Steve Dowding on Mon, 03/10/2011 - 20:59.
A report on the impacts of the Olympic Games and Paralympics on host cities
Dr Mary Smith
London East Research Institute Working Papers
Submitted by Charles Batsworth on Sat, 03/09/2011 - 11:07.
OPLC's 'Alternative North-West Parklands and Velopark' presentation of 08/07/2011.
This is a large PDF file (13Mb)
Download the document
Submitted by Charles Batsworth on Fri, 15/07/2011 - 13:46.
Carolina del Olmo Universidad Complutense Sept 2004
Some years before filming Bowling for Columbine, Michael Moore directed and starred in the film Roger and Me. In this film, Moore captures the consequences of the closure of a General Motors plant in his home town, Flint, Michigan. The plant closed down and moved in search of lower labour costs, leaving behind a landscape of unemployment and despair. However, Moore portrays this event in a comedic light. In fact, the most hilarious part of the film is seen when the city council of Flint decides to implement some measures to solve the population’s problems, with hopes that these measures convert Flint into a tourist destination. The urban government built an automotive theme park, a colossal hotel and a gigantic shopping mall, but obviously the plan failed in a few months and the new installations closed down. Strangely, by the implementation of these measures, the city council aimed to boost the spirit of the people, to give them back their self-confidence. Unfortunately, these plans are not as unique as they may seem. If we read about the 1992 Barcelona Olympics, we discover that one of its majorly recognized achievements was the increase of its citizen´s pride in themselves and their city and the improvement of the image that the inhabitants had on their home town. In fact, this idea is a basic ingredient of the dominant ideology around mega-events.
Anyway, if we were to study the strategy that consists in organizing large scale events of any kind in order to revitalize a city that before was destroyed by a mix of deindustrialization, unemployment and social service cuts, Spain would be a great example. In Barcelona, the Forum de las Culturas is about to conclude as I write this essay. Valencia is working to host the 32nd edition of the America’s Cup yacht race. And Madrid is striving to be the host city for the 2012 Olympic Games (along with Paris). Even if they last only a few weeks, these events require years of preparation, take up a huge amount of public funds and permanently change the physical landscape of the city.
But Spain is not alone in supporting this ideology. If we take a look at the figures, we will notice that the competition for hosting an Olympic event becomes more difficult every year since the economic success of the 1984 Los Angeles games (a success largely due to the growth of worldwide communications). The same rivalry prevails in the fight for hosting a World Fair or any other large scale event.
How can we explain this mega-event obsession? First of all, we must realize that this kind of competition is nothing more than the most conspicuous form of global competitiveness. This competition between cities and regions is a consequence of the political and economical changes that have occurred in approximately the last thirty years. To summarize these changes, we can make use of a common term and discuss a transition from a Fordist regime of accumulation [http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fordist] to a post-Fordist regime of increased flexibility. The growing geographical dispersion of production and a financial capital boom have played an essential role in allowing this transition to take place, a transition that, in turn, has had important consequences on capitalistic cities. Towns are experiencing a prolonged crisis related to the loss of traditional industries, the growing importance of tertiary sectors, and the increase of unemployment and poverty. They have begun to compete against each other in a fierce fight for attracting investments from the private sector or from different levels of government. They also strive to obtain money by promoting a culture of consumption, in search of some kind of compensation for the loss of steady jobs. The urban governments have taken the initiative in what has been called the “rise of an entrepreneurial city”, encouraging a good business climate and taking measures to attract economic growth. Measures that, in turn, intensify flexibility and insecurity.
As was to be expected, the investments aimed to convert a city into a dynamic and competitive enterprise presume the use of scarce public resources in favour of firms and high level consumers at the expense of disadvantaged classes, specially in a fiscal austerity frame like the one we have had in the last years. As well as the deregulation of the labour market and the gifts (fiscal exemptions and all kind of incentives) that urban governments offer to firms to lure them to their cities, other efforts aimed to construct a competitive position for the city have primarily been concentrated in the field of urban environment transformation. The city, with the help of post-modern architecture, on the one hand becomes a spectacle in order to make it an attractive space for tourism and consumer spending. On the other hand, the city devotes itself to the construction of infrastructures of whatever kind that are highly valuable for corporations and quality customers, as convention centres, business areas, highways, airports and so on. In this frame of competitiveness and in this process of converting a city into a spectacle is where we must set the recent obsession with mega-events. This obsession is perfectly illustrated with Barcelona since they have hosted the 1992 Olympic Games. Since then, it has hosted the Forum this summer and, in between, has organised a myriad of minor tourism-based events.
Now, let’s focus on the so-called advantages of these kind of events. Besides being able to heal the citizen’s psychological discomfort, as we previously noted, politicians constantly brag about two other virtues of mega-events: 1- they are believed to be the perfect occasion for the city to fulfil its longstanding general need for infrastructure and installations. 2- they can stimulate the economy and generate employment. This last claim reads as follows: the mega-event turns the city into a global focus of attention, providing a top-quality kind of marketing and advertising that contributes to sell the city’s image all over the world; as a result, the city will capture a huge amount of tourists and will also attract a lot of corporate headquarters and new events, with the resulting growth of economic activity in the long run and the creation of new jobs.
At first sight, these kind of aspirations and expectations may seem reasonable if we think about the economic significance of tourism in the last years for advanced capitalist societies. But even before evaluating if it is reasonable to expect the fulfilment of these expectations, a big problem arises, a problem that has to do with the urban pattern that this kind of economic development promotes. Public and private interventions in the touristic city usually focus on the surface and only renovates the central zones in a city, leaving the rest of the neighbourhoods in a sorry state of neglect. These kind of manoeuvres tend to generate gentrification and speculation, resulting in the rise of real estate prices and the eviction of the neighbours with lower purchasing power. The city becomes uncomfortable for the inhabitant, whose needs are subordinated to the pleasure of the visitor, and also becomes depersonalized with the arrival of big trade chains and the closure of small, traditional trade stores (a process of substitution that usually results in a net loss of jobs).
But there are also more serious disadvantages. The kind of jobs created by the tourist industry tend to be low wage, precarious, unqualified, non unionised and without benefits. Moreover, it seems reasonable to suppose that the growing number of tourist destinations will solidify the competition between cities, resulting in the need to reduce expenses and, of course, labour wages. This growing competitiveness is, in fact, one of the factors that makes the tourism-based economic pattern so risky, as well as the fact that the flow of visitors is very sensitive to trends and taste changes, or to questions of security or currency fluctuations.
Nonetheless, if the huge investment of public funds and the inconveniences caused to the people who inhabit the touristic city result in any kind of profits for the population, then we could find a justification for this pattern of development. But no social welfare exists in this pattern. Let’s think about the installations that a city “gains” when it hosts a mega-event. We are tired of hearing about the “Olympic legacy” and the official discourse is repeated again and again that when the mega-event concludes, the installations will remain in the city. But they never discuss what the use value of these infrastructures is, especially if we compare these “sinks” of public investments with other installations and services that could have been financed with the same amount of funds (or a lot less). Public funds are a scarce resource, especially today, in this zero-deficit scenario. In this restricted frame, to finance these kind of events and infrastructures involve a budget cut in other, more necessary, sectors. Besides, there are cases, as in the Valencia Americas Cup, where it is simply impossible to imagine the usefulness of the installations that the event will leave behind: public funds are going to finance, among other things, an extension of the harbour that includes a big ship proprietor’s yacht club with its own heliport and a dock for ships more than 40 meters long. Moreover, these kinds of infrastructure tend to require a lot of re-investments to avoid the threat of devaluation that comes with the interurban competition and the changes in trends. That’s why it is so common to see these installations languishing in a state of neglect years after the event.
The Barcelona case represents these aspects extremely well. The 1992 Olympic Games are recorded as a success, even if they didn’t fulfil the expectations they claimed. The Olympic investments (in the broad sense, including some roads, coastal area renewal, cultural outlets, etc.), reached near 6 million euros and 53% of that budget were public funds. But the economic activity that this money generated didn’t have a positive impact on the economic indicators of the Barcelona area. Between 1987 and 1991 the number of jobs created in the construction sector were only 33.000, a figure much lower than was expected considering that three quarters of the total investment went towards the construction sector. On top of this, all of them were temporary jobs. In the hotel and catering trade sector only 20.000 new jobs appeared and only lasted the duration of the event, again, much less than was expected. In the other sectors, the labour impact was zero (we tend to forget that the Olympic volunteers take on a great amount of tasks that would otherwise generate jobs). During 1992, the number of jobs began to fall. If we take a look at trade, we will see that during 1992 the sales rate decreased and the number of tourists that visited the city (a million and a half) was lower than expected and spent less money than it was estimated (exactly the same has happened in Athens this last summer). Also, the Barcelona event resulted in a dramatic decrease in the number of people that visited other destinations in the Barcelona region. Basically, the only economic indicator that experienced an important impact as a result of the Olympic Games were price levels. Since 1988, city price levels increased more than in the rest of the region and more than 1% over the inflation rate in Spain. In the year before the Games, prices rose more than 3% over the prices of the rest of Spain. And if we think that the city gains profit from television broadcasting rights, we should not forget that it is the Olympic Committee who collects this money. In fact, the progressive growth of this source of money has turned the International Olympic Committee into a big (and suspicious) enterprise.
How can we understand the minute economic impact and the lack of fulfilment of expectations? We could focus on the unbridled optimism that seems to encumber the people who do the impact studies, but, especially, we should focus on the limited frame in which the investments take place. If the demand related with the Olympic Games (or any other mega-event) takes up resources that would otherwise remain unused, it would be reasonable to expect an increase in employment, as well as an improvement of the economic indicators in general. Nonetheless, demand growth related with a mega-event doesn’t produce a net income, because it is a consequence of a mere change in the direction of the resource’s flow; that is, the resources go to a specific sector or a particular place but only because they are coming from another sector or place. The same goes for private capital: it tends to reduce its investments in other sectors or in other spatial areas. If we pay attention to the recommendations that the economic impact studies use to achieve a real net increase in profits, for example, to make the labour market more flexible, it is clear that the aim of obtaining net profits loses part of its appeal.
Astonishingly, even if the mega-events don’t fulfil their expectations, this is never seen as a failure. Nobody seems to care for or to be surprised by this failure and the event ends with a sense of success. If we want to understand this incoherence, we should put aside the idea of competition as a heuristic tool and focus on the fabulous opportunity for businesses that follow urban transformations related with mega-events. Indeed, even the need to attract tourism and the desire to improve the competitive position of the city in the urban hierarchy seems a petty and secondary question if we compare this with the local elite’s focus on an easy profit. Of course, I am not saying that urban governments don’t want to promote the image of their cities with the purpose of generating employment, attracting enterprise headquarters and so on. Regrettably, one of our most serious problems is that urban governments seem to be convinced that, in a globalized world, there’s no point in promoting local enterprise development. They believe that the best they can do is to turn the city into an appealing zone for foreign investments. But the weakness of some of their strategies and the blindness with which they insist that these strategies actually work, make us question their genuine interests in the city.
In short, we cannot forget that when a mega-event is organized, the money that really flows into a city is, in the first place, public money that falls into the hands of private businessmen. That’s why it is so difficult to understand where the city expects to obtain incomes by organizing a mega-event, and how little the urban government cares. When asked about the profits the city of Madrid may gain from hosting the Olympic Games, a representative for the Olympic candidature discussed broadcasting copyrights (that, as I have previously stated, benefit Olympic Committee and not the city) and the tourist appeal that the city will gain. He referred to the Barcelona case as a big success and talked about the millions of tourists that have visited Barcelona in the last years as a result of the Olympic Games. What he forgot to mention is that the flow of tourists into Barcelona has not been an easy or inexpensive achievement. The strategy has only worked with the help of a continuous and huge public investment in private business, for example, in the hotel sector, dangerously close to bankruptcy –all in all, another typical episode of socialization of losses and privatisation of profits.
However, if we consider that the investors that promoted and financed a big part of the Olympic Games budget in Barcelona were real estate and construction companies, property developers, land speculators, finance companies and hotel and catering trade firms, we will understand that, indeed, the 1992 Barcelona Olympics can be considered a success. Of course, as a result of the Olympic candidature, Barcelona witnessed a frantic building activity, an increase in the housing and land prices and a huge urban transformation that entailed the conversion of a big amount of industrial land into service or housing plots.
In fact, urban renewal related to a mega-event is not as much a secondary effect as it is a fundamental raison d’être. The recent Forum Universal de las Culturas that has taken place in Barcelona this summer confirms this idea: instead of organizing a mega-event that could reuse the installations built ten years ago as a result of the Olympic Games, the Barcelona government and elite have decided to invent a new kind of event whose major aim, no one can doubt, is urban transformation. This multicultural event has proven to be an effective excuse to finally implement urban renewal in the last coastal area of Barcelona that still has a low income population. A made-to-measure operation for the private capital that has been a real fiasco for the city.
The Spanish case is especially serious since in Spain the construction sector represents almost 18% of the GDP, and 60% of the investments in fixed capital formation. It also employs two million people. After a huge process to merge enterprises, the building sector is now dominated by six big firms, five of which are numbered among the ten largest construction companies in Europe. The sector has become a safe allocation for investments due to the housing price boom and to the approval of huge public infrastructure plans. Even if the present economic climate differs from that of Barcelona 92, the results that we may expect from Madrid 2012 may be very similar. In Barcelona, between 1986-1992, the construction boom and the rise in prices were partially caused by the recent entry of Spain into the European Union, consequently causing an influx of foreign capital into the country, especially into the real estate sector. Nowadays, the potential rise in prices and the worsening of the speculative bubble will come from the fact that we are passing through a difficult period for stock exchange investments. And these bad times for the investors have turned the real estate sector into a safe haven that takes up more than 40% of foreign investment in Spain. In fact, in the last years, banks, investment funds and thousands of corporations had entry into the sector in search of a higher profitability.
So, we had a scenario of uncontrolled growth of the construction and real estate sectors, that has made Madrid one of the cities with the lowest rate of inhabitants per dwelling in Europe and, at the same time, one of the cities with the highest rates of vacant dwellings (and a significant unsatisfied demand). And in this scenario it is difficult to see what is the public interest of the new dwellings that the Olympic Village will leave to the city, or what profit could result from the new centrality zone that is planned for an old industrial area in the East of Madrid. The nearness of this new centrality to a proletarian neighbourhood as is San Blas raise also the fear of housing evictions, a phenomenon that always accompanies mega-events of this kind, as the inhabitants of the urban core in Barcelona know very well. Even the hotel trade sector, that could expect profits, suspiciously look at events such as the Madrid Olympics or Valencia’s Americas Cup, as they are afraid of a possible saturation of the sector with a consequent threat of devaluation.
By now it should be evident that the organization of a mega-event does not in fact generate benefits for the general public and, instead, causes several nuisances. But an advantage from these kind of events has not yet been mentioned, an advantage gained not for the people, but for the urban governments. I’m referring to the consensus that these events encourage. A consensus that functions as a distraction in order to carry out all kinds of business and urban operations that would, otherwise, generate opposition. Also, this consensus decreases the legitimacy of the groups that fight against urban renewal, turning the conflicts into a police matter. The significance of this consensus advantage seems very clear in the Forum de las Culturas case. In fact, it is very difficult to create a new event capable of generating a consensus that a traditional event such as the Olympic Games has by nature. That’s why the Forum’s organizers select as their motto “Peace, cultural diversity and environmental sustainability”, in an effort to win the people’s trust and approval. And, of course, the need for a consensus combined with the desire to offer a bright image of the city, always leads to a higher level of repression.
I would like to finish by asking what can be expected or what can be done. One of the possible advantages of such events for the urban social movements is based on the government’s need to portray a peaceful and pleasant image of the city. These movements can exploit this need in order to catapult their stance up to an empowered position for negotiating with the local government. But if we focus on the Madrid Olympic candidacy, the future doesn’t look that clear: the Olympic candidacy has been approved almost unanimously. Regardless of the possible involvement of all political parties in the urban business, I believe that the seamless and enthusiastic support of the Olympic candidacy shown by leftwing politicians, is motivated by their traditional acceptance of orthodox development policies. The leftwing political parties usually carry the burden of an uncritical belief in the idea that good macro-economic figures entail benefits for the people. From a leftwing position, it is usual to accept that businessmen create jobs and raise wages when they obtain more profits, so it is worth it to make concessions and to offer incentives to firms in order to generate employment, even if the flexible laws that are required to please the businessmen allow the enterprises to move or to fire workers whenever they want. By now it should be evident that a city that strives to create a good business climate is not beneficial for its citizens or, at least, it is incompatible with the strong and well organized proletarian class, a class able to exert influence on its working conditions. I’m not trying to defend some kind of cancellation or reversal of development towards some sort of lost paradise. I only suggest that leftwing opposition parties should try to elaborate an alternate development strategy of those implemented by the activists of the city as a growth machine, an alternative that should pay attention to the old division between use value and exchange value, a division that only the local elites can afford to neglect. In fact, local elites must neglect this division, since they are deeply interested in claiming that economic growth and social welfare are one and the same. The mega-events strategy only highlights the trap in which the left always naively fall into (or, at least, that’s what I want to believe). As John Logan and Harvey Molotch said, “a skilled politician delivers growth while giving a good circus”.
Submitted by Martin Slavin on Thu, 07/07/2011 - 09:51.
This paper discusses the siting of the Summer Olympic Games at the global, national and local scales. The increasing corporatization of the Games is examined. Their use in city marketing campaigns is evaluated. The increasing competition between cities to host the Games is part of the growing competition between world cities for global spectacles.
|Short Globalizing and Localizing.pdf||185.3 KB|
Submitted by Martin Slavin on Wed, 26/01/2011 - 10:59.
London 2012's Editorial Style Guide
Internal guide for London 2012's media drones.
We tell it like it is. Always credible. Speaking factually, backed up by real information,
genuine substance; avoiding hype and exaggeration. We don’t need to big things up.
This is big enough on its own.
Any comment would be superfluous...
|Writing about London 2012.pdf||71.11 KB|
Submitted by Charles Batsworth on Thu, 13/01/2011 - 16:26.
GLA Budgetary and Performance Committee report - Olympic Park transfer and continuing liabilities Oct 2010
GLA Budget and Performance Committee
The Finances of the Olympic Legacy
Part1: Olympic Park transfer and continuing liabilities
A futile attempt to cut through the murk of the 2012 legacy financing and accountability. As one might expect, it's going to cost an awful lot of money on top of what's already been spent, no-one knows how much, when any benefits might be delivered, what they will be exactly or who will be accountable. Plus ca change.
It's safe to say that local people who will be suffering the 'Olympic legacy' gave up any attempt to understand any of this years ago.
|olympic park transfer and liabilities report GLA oct 2010.pdf||160.11 KB|
Submitted by Charles Batsworth on Fri, 31/12/2010 - 11:36.
This paper attempts to identify and clarify two important issues: how should we estimate the costs and benefits of major events; and the relevance of the experience of other cities’ Commonwealth and Olympic games experiences.
Submitted by Julian Cheyne on Sat, 31/10/2009 - 16:07.
Map of the 2012 Olympic site produced by Ordnance Survey and Institution of Civil Engineers in 2010 and distributed on the Greenway.
Includes an information section with a series of misleading 'facts' about the 2012 construction project, and illustrates the way the London 2012 communications unit is involving third party organisations as a means of creating more persuasive spin.
Submitted by Charles Batsworth on Fri, 24/12/2010 - 19:52.
OECD - Local Development Benefits from Staging Global Events: Achieving the Local Development Legacy from 2012
OECD - Local Development Benefits from Staging Global Events: Achieving the Local Development Legacy from 2012
A peer review of the Olympic and Paralympic legacy for East London proposed by the Department of Communities and Local Government, United Kingdom
Published October 2010
Further details on OECD website here
Contains this choice compilation of factual errors and misinformation:
"The decontamination and environmental clean-up of the Olympic Park
The Olympic Park is being built on a large land parcel that was off-limits prior to the Olympic effort. The land was not only heavily contaminated by nineteenth and early twentieth century heavy industry, it was also subject to action during World War Two. This created a land mass that was near impossible to develop and which acted as a major barrier within the built environment between the communities of the East End and between the East End and the rest of London. The assembly of the land, its decontamination and the subsequent improvement in water quality are historic achievements. Given global interest in environmental matters, the story of the clean-up and the effective recycling of the land should be told from the rooftops. It is clear that this could not have been achieved without the Olympic Games. "
There is the necessity of rebranding our local areas for marketing purposes:
"It is clearly necessary to both preserve historical names, and names of local government units for administrative purposes. However for investment purposes it will be necessary to have some clear agreement about the outward facing names to be used and the brand platform to build around them."
And to improve those social indicators, what's needed is less social housing:
"Housing has a fundamental impact on the scope for community transformation. If East London continues to accommodate disproportionate volumes of social housing, it is difficult to see how the five host boroughs can be expected to see sufficient change in their wealth and wellbeing indicators, even over a 20 year time span."
|OECD London 2012 legacy.pdf||791.79 KB|
Submitted by Charles Batsworth on Sun, 26/12/2010 - 20:35.
Report by Carphone Warehouse Deputy Chairman David Ross after his appointment as Games legacy advisor by Boris Johnson. It recommends the creation of a special 'legacy delivery' vehicle ie. the OPLC.
You asked me to carry out a high level review of the progress that has been made in preparing London for the 2012 Olympic Games. I am writing to set out my initial conclusions.
The review has been carried out over a three week period and therefore inevitably it has been a high level exercise. It seeks to identify risks and issues requiring further attention and areas where additional work should be carried out and/or alternative policy approaches considered.
|Olympic Preparedness.pdf||124.03 KB|
Submitted by Charles Batsworth on Sun, 19/12/2010 - 23:41.
Research paper into the experiences of small businesses forced to move to make way for the 2012 London Olympic Games.
|(2010 US) Small Business Communities & 2012. Raco, M & Tunney, E.pdf||689.14 KB|
Submitted by Julian Cheyne on Fri, 17/12/2010 - 01:58.
A PDF of a photocopied record of the Host City Agreement for the Vancouver 2010 Winter Olympics
Submitted by Steve Dowding on Sat, 11/12/2010 - 15:27.
The Commercial Games - How Commercialism is Overrunning the Beijing 2008 Olympic Games
"The Olympics claim to stand for pure ideals, for sports, culture and education. Unfortunately, the overwhelming cultural influence at the Olympics is now commercial culture; and the overwhelming informational message is: buy, buy, buy."
Comprehensive report produced by Multinational Monitor magazine and Commercial Alert examining the scale of corporate involvement in the most commercialised Olympics to date.
Attachment Size TheCommercialGames.pdf 856.43 KB
Submitted by Charles Batsworth on Mon, 06/12/2010 - 09:37.
A London Olympic Bid for 2012 - House of Commons Culture, Media and Sport Committee 2003
Third Report of Session 2002-03
An enquiry into the Government's decision making process on whether to support a London bid for the 2012 Olympic Games. Completed shortly before the Cabinet decision to proceed with the bid. Excerpts -
Transparency - The process followed by Government has produced in public no more than an anaemic 12 page summary of a 250 page document containing only impenetrable, estimated, aggregate costs... this was of limited use for the purposes of accountability and none whatsoever with regard to public debate.
The Government could have been much more transparent in this process; reflecting the recommendations of our predecessor Committee. The Arup summary published, for what it was worth, was an abridgement too far. The Government should publish Arup's work in full, as well as its own subsequent calculations on costs and delivery of facilities and infrastructure, before a decision is taken.
It has been a peculiar feature of this inquiry that almost all the significant information is under wraps — contrary to the firm recommendations of our predecessor Committee...
As often is the case, public discussion has been clouded, rather than informed, by partial disclosure of some details and figures in the media (with consequent partial rebuttals from stakeholders). We do not blame the press for this but rather the absence of authoritative documentation on which to base open debate.
We received three memoranda from local community groups which disagreed with the concerted local authority stance. The Southern Lea Valley Federation and the Hackney Environment Forum and the New Lammas Lands Defence Committee argued vigorously against siting the Olympics in the Lee Valley as they regarded the area, not just as 'derelict land needing restoration', but rather a 'tranquil and precious green lung' close to central
London. The importance of consultation with, and involvement of, the local Community in a project of this nature should not be under-estimated no matter how enthusiastic are the relevant local authorities.
|A London Olympic Bid for 2012 - House of Commons Culture, Media and Sport Committee 2003.pdf||1.11 MB|
Submitted by Charles Batsworth on Sun, 05/12/2010 - 13:47.
February 2010 report of investigation by the Economic Development, Culture, Sport and Tourism Committee of the London Assembly:
• To review how, when, and by whom, decisions about the legacy uses of
the 2012 Olympic and Paralympic Games venues are going to be made;
• To examine what lessons can be learnt from relevant previous projects.
|Legacy Limited - A review of the OPLCs role.pdf||486.51 KB|
Submitted by Charles Batsworth on Tue, 30/11/2010 - 11:55.
Clause 7.2 of especial interest in respect of legacy costs.
Submitted by Steve Dowding on Mon, 11/10/2010 - 11:01.
Olympics Bid London 2012
Probability assessment for the Department of Culture, Media and Sport
Price Waterhouse Coopers, January 2003
|PWC 2012_ProbabilityAssessment.pdf||383.42 KB|
Submitted by Charles Batsworth on Sun, 26/09/2010 - 09:14.